miércoles, 22 de junio de 2016

Blood brothers: Palestinians and Jews share genetic roots, though so did Cain and Abel.    
Confronted by the violence sweeping over Israel, it can be easy to overlook the things that Jews and Palestinians share: a deep attachment to the same sliver of contested land, a shared appetite for hummus, a common tradition of descent from the patriarch Abraham, and, as scientific research shows - a common genetic ancestry, as well.
Several major studies published in the past five years attest to these ancient hereditary links. At the forefront of these efforts are two researchers: Harry Ostrer, professor of pediatrics and pathology at Albert Einstein College of Medicine in the Bronx, New York, and Karl Skorecki, director of medical and research development at the Rambam Health Care Campus in Haifa. Back in June 2010, and within two days of each other, the two scientists and their research teams published extensive analyses of the genetic origins of the Jewish people and their Near East ancestry.
“The closest genetic neighbors to most Jewish groups were the Palestinians, Israeli Bedouins, and Druze in addition to the Southern Europeans, including Cypriots,” as Ostrer and Skorecki wrote in a review of their findings that they co-authored in the journal Human Genetics in October 2012.
“Karl and I are good friends,” Ostrer told Haaretz by telephone from New York. “We used somewhat different analytical methods—there’s no claim there for superiority, or one side versus the other.” In their results, as well, “there was really very little difference at all.”
Ostrer’s research on “Abraham’s Children in the Genome Era,” published in The American Journal of Human Genetics, sampled 652,000 gene variants from each of 237 unrelated individuals from seven Jewish populations: Iranian, Iraqi, Syrian, Italian, Turkish, Greek and Ashkenazi. These sequences were then compared with reference samples from non-Jews drawn from The Human Genome Diversity Project, a global database of genetic information gathered from populations across the world.
Each of the Jewish populations, they found, “formed its own distinctive cluster,” indicating their shared ancestry and “relative genetic isolation.” Ostrer’s team also identified two major groups of Jews: Middle Eastern Jews (Iranian and Iraqi) and European/Syrian Jews. The split between these two groups of Jews occurred some 2,500 years ago.
Cousins with the Druze and French
Both groups of Jews shared ancestry with contemporary Middle Eastern and Southern European populations. The closest genetic relatives of the Middle Eastern Jews are Druze, Bedouin and Palestinians. The closest genetic relatives of the European group of Jews are Northern Italians, followed by Sardinians and French. (For the group known as British Israelites the French & other Western Europeans are Lost Israelites)
In a 2012 study, Ostrer identified North African Jews as a third major group. In Skorecki’s study on the genome-wide structure of the Jewish people, published in the journal Nature, he and his fellow researchers sampled tens of thousands of genetic variants from the genomes of 121 individuals hailing from 14 Jewish Diaspora communities, and compared these variants with samples drawn from 1,166 individuals from 69 Old World non-Jewish populations.
They found that Jews from the Caucasus (Azerbaijan and Georgia), the Middle East (Iran and Iraq) North Africa (Morocco) and Sephardi and Ashkenazi communities, as well as Samaritans, form a “tight cluster” that overlaps with Israeli Druze.
This, the authors write, “is consistent with an ancestral Levantine contribution to much of contemporary Jewry.”
In addition, a “compact cluster” of Yemenite Jews “overlaps primarily with Bedouins but also with Saudi individuals.” Ethiopian and Indian Jews are more closely related to their own neighboring, host populations.
Middle East origins in European Jews
Further evidence for the Middle Eastern origins of Ashkenazi Jews came from a study published in 2014: In that research, which appeared in Nature Communications, a team led by Shai Carmi of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem sequenced the complete genomes of 128 people of Ashkenazi Jewish ancestry. Their analysis revealed that the Ashkenazi Jewish population is “an even mix” of European and Middle Eastern ancestral populations—suggesting, as Carmi writes on the web site of The Ashkenazi Genome Consortium (TAGC), “a sex-biased process, where, say, Middle-Eastern Jewish men married European non-Jewish women.”
Are these genetic ties between Jews, Palestinians, Bedouin, and Druze important in a contemporary context? “It doesn’t matter to me personally,” Skorecki says, “since I think that global human identity supersedes all other considerations.”
“We want to know who we are and where we came from,” Ostrer, who is now studying cancer risks among Ashkenazi Jews and Northern Israeli Druze populations, sums up. Even so, shared ancestry doesn’t necessarily imply a special bond. As Ostrer notes, citing the Biblical tale of Cain and Abel, “the fact that people are related to one another doesn’t prevent their developing extreme hostility to one another.”

Ethiopian-Israeli chief rabbi said fired for anti-racism stance
Religious Affairs Ministry officials reportedly say Yosef Hadane’s contract won’t be renewed due to his public criticism of the rabbinate.
The chief rabbi of Israel’s Ethiopian community has reportedly been fired from the position over his participation in a campaign over the Chief Rabbinate’s alleged racial discrimination against Jews of Ethiopian descent.
Rabbi Yosef Hadane’s contract will not be renewed at the end July. Senior officials in the Religious Affairs Ministry said the decision came in response to criticism Hadane had expressed against the rabbinate over the marriage registration woes of Ethiopian couples in the central city of Petah Tikva, Army Radio reported Monday.
Ethiopian-Israeli Chief Rabbi Yosef Hadane during a debate of the Immigration and Absorption Committee at the Knesset, July 27, 2015.
The timing is ostensibly connected to Hadane reaching the retirement age of 67. Other rabbis, however, have been automatically granted an extension when they reach 67, with many municipal rabbis employed by the Religious Affairs Ministry serving into their 80s and beyond.
Tzohar, a group dedicated to bridging gaps between Jews in Israel and offering a more liberal Orthodox alternative to the rabbinate, said it was “deeply disturbed” by the decision to not extend Hadane’s contract.
“Seemingly his only transgression was his brave decision to stand in defense of Ethiopian Jews who had been denied the right to marry according to halacha by the Petach Tikva rabbinate,” the group said in a statement.
“It is inconceivable that a rabbi should be deposed by political and bureaucratic figures and Tzohar therefore respectfully urges the Ministry to reconsider this decision, which stands in opposition to basic ethics and Jewish values,” the statement added.
Illustrative photo of an Ethiopian Jewish couple seen posing for a wedding photographer next to the Old City Walls in Jerusalem.
Ethiopian Israelis in Petah Tikva allege that they are regularly denied marriage licenses by the city’s rabbinate, whose employees question their Jewishness.
Under the auspices of the city’s Sephardic chief rabbi Binyamin Atias, members of Petah Tikva’s 10,000-strong Ethiopian community say, the rabbinical authority routinely demands that they submit paperwork proving their conversion, produce assurances from a rabbi that they are practicing Orthodox Jews, and investigate the couple’s backgrounds before ultimately turning them away.
While Ethiopian Jewish immigrants from the Beta Israel community are recognized as fully Jewish and did not need to undergo conversion upon arriving in Israel, immigrants from Ethiopia belonging to the Falash Mura community, which converted from Judaism to Christianity in the 19th century, are required to undergo Orthodox conversion after immigrating.
In 2014, Ethiopian Israelis in Petah Tikva leveled similar complaints of discrimination against the city’s rabbinate and Attias.

The importance of the Ethiopian narrative
The Ethiopian heritage and the story of the community's aliyah have been systematically excluded from the discourse of Israeli society. In school our children have learned about the history of Israel, including the stories about our enemies who sought to destroy us, the First and Second Aliyahs to build this country, and more. Unfortunately, the story of the Ethiopian aliyah has waned.
The voice that fought to maintain its Jewish identity, that prayed, throughout its time in the Diaspora to reach Jerusalem and then, when that time came, rejoiced in leaving Ethiopia and making its way to the promised land, is now hushed. How can a civilized society exist without knowing its past, which is diverse in so many ways, but is essentially the same?
For 2,500 years, the Beta Israel Jews of Ethiopia had lived in complete detachment from the rest of their Jewish brethren in the Diaspora. However, they managed to keep their Zionist-Jewish identity and shared the same yearning that all Jews in exile share: to come to Israel and set up home in Jerusalem.
With Israel's establishment in 1948, the Ethiopian community were not acknowledged as Jews by the state of Israel and as a result were not entitled to make aliyah under the Law of Return. However, this had not broken the spirit and faith of the Ethiopian community leaders.
Skillfully, they succeeded in conducting a quiet, yet determined, struggle to be recognized as Jews, until finally in 1973 Rabbi Ovadia Yosef recognized Ethiopian Jews' religious status, which prompted the historic 1975 ruling by then-Internal Affairs Minister Shlomo Hillel, who decided that the Law of Return also applied to the Beta Israel community.
"Bring me the Jews of Ethiopia," late Prime Minister Menachem Begin instructed the Mossad, and turned it into rescue mission, which contributed in embedding the event in the history of Israel -- a well-planned military operation executed by bold Israeli warriors who arrived in the dead of night, airlifted us, and rescued us from a vicious ruler.
But where does our own narrative lie within the general context of Israeli Jewry? Where is the story told of our struggle, for which we paid dearly with our own flesh and blood? The logistical efforts, the long, dangerous journey from Ethiopia to Sudan, the refugee camps, and the great losses we suffered along the way -- all these have not been told, and the time has come to change that.
Operation Moses and Operation Solomon (which this week marks its 25th anniversary) were not initiated out of thin air. Had it not been for the bravery of our prominent leaders and aliyah activists, the late Fareda Aklum, educator Yona Bogale, Mossad agent Zimna Berhani and many more, not to mention the spiritual leaders in Ethiopia, we would not be sitting here in Israel today.
These people risked their lives to realize their community's dream of making aliyah to Jerusalem. Courageously they withstood the Ethiopian authorities and worked tirelessly to unite the community and bring it to safety in Israel. Thus, in cooperation with the Mossad, they were able to fulfill Begin's behest.
Another part of our heroic narrative that was torn from the pages of Israel's history books is the perseverance of our community, as the journey to Israel saw thousands of Ethiopian Jews die on the way. Traveling in the deserts of Sudan, we left behind parents and siblings whose strength failed them. We completed this journey for them too.
The Jewish community's aliyah is not exclusive to the Beta community; it is a historical asset that belongs to the people of Israel as a whole. This narrative has the power to inspire the younger generation within the Ethiopian community and Israeli society in general.
This story should be interwoven with Israeli heritage. It should dovetail with the heroism of other Israeli icons and pioneers, alongside Ze'ev Jabotinsky, Berl Katznelson, and others. In the words of the late Israeli leader Yigal Allon: "A nation that doesn't know its past suffers a poor present and its future will forever be uncertain." I say: A nation that doesn't know the various layers that comprise it will cease to be a nation and will become less than the sum of its parts.
The key to our survival as the eternal people is to be a unified nation of many shades and one vision.

'Ethiopian Jews are proof of our longing for Zion'
The Israeli government held a ceremony in Jerusalem on Sunday honoring the 4,000 Ethiopian Jews who perished on their way to Israel.
President Reuven Rivlin, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Immigrant Absorption Minister Sofa Landver and Supreme Court Justice Neal Hendel, as well as other Knesset members and dignitaries, were at the event.
The ceremony was organized by the Culture and Sport Ministry's public relations department in conjunction with the Absorption in the Community Department in the Immigrant Absorption Ministry and the IDF. It began with a prayer for the souls of the victims, led by Ethiopian kessim (religious leaders) in Gez, the liturgical language used by Ethiopian Jews, who otherwise use Amharic and Hebrew. Thousands of Ethiopian Jews were in attendance, including some bereaved families.
"This [Ethiopian] aliyah obligates not only the immigrants, but first and foremost the country to which they are immigrating, to be worthy of their journey," Rivlin said at the ceremony.
President Reuven Rivlin with Ethiopian religious leaders at Sunday's ceremony
Netanyahu called Ethiopian Jews "living, thrilling proof of the power of the longing for Zion."
"There is no precedent for what you went through to reach the land of Israel," Netanyahu told the audience.
On Sunday evening, the main ceremony honoring the memory of the Ethiopian immigrants who perished on their way to Israel was held in Netanya, with some 1,500 people in attendance.

Ethiopian Jews In Israel
Twenty-five years ago this week, the world was captivated by images of the dramatic airlift that brought 14,000 Ethiopian Jews to Israel from amidst a raging civil war.
In the lead-up to the airlift, I sat in a small room as a debate ensued as to what the coming operation should be called. When the final suggestion was made - "Operation Solomon" - it was clear that this was the perfect choice of name. It connected the Biblical roots of this ancient population with one of the stories of its origins - the union of King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba.
As a young Jewish communal professional, I later sat with one of the rabbis of the community by a big tree under a wide African sky. They had left behind their homes, their farms, their cattle and set off on foot from a remote corner of Ethiopia. Why have you come now, I asked the rabbi? Because, he said, after two thousand years of waiting, we knew that our time had finally come. Because that was what God had intended. No agonizing, no debating. Just pure faith.
And Israel, together with world Jewry was there to make it happen. It was the Jewish world at its very best. From thousands of miles away the State of Israel together with American Jewish organizations reached deep into the heart of Africa to help Jews who had been cut off from Jewish life for thousands of years and to bring them to Israel. And the Jewish world was there to welcome those Jews into absorption centers, job training and special education programs.
Last year, the plight of Ethiopian Jews was brought to national attention in Israel in a very public and a very modern way by a powerful YouTube video that went viral showing the unprovoked beating of an Israeli Ethiopian soldier. Demonstrations against racism in Tel Aviv by Ethiopians led to violent clashes with bottles and bricks being thrown at the police who responded with tear gas and stun grenades.
Israel now has a population of 135,000 Ethiopian Jews, of whom about two-thirds were born in Ethiopia. The task of bringing a population that grew up in rural Africa to a modern Western state was great. But the task of addressing the challenges facing a new generation of Ethiopian Jews that was born in Israel is many times greater.
According to the Myers-JDC-Brookdale Institute, a well-respected research body in Israel, educational performance has improved with 48 percent of Ethiopian students gaining a general matriculation diploma in 2013, compared to 31 percent in 2001. Employment rates for men rose from 62 percent to 76 percent and from 37 percent to 69 percent for women between 2000 and 2013. Israel has seen inspiring individual success stories, including Ethiopian members of the Knesset and members of the Israeli diplomatic corps.
Yet poverty is still rampant -- 39 percent of Ethiopian-Israeli families live in poverty compared with 14 percent of all Jewish families in Israel. The percentage of Ethiopians getting a diploma that would enable them to go to a university has more than doubled from 12 percent to 27 percent over the past decade but still has a long way to go to reach the equivalent figure of 51 percent for the general Jewish population. And 19 percent of Ethiopian-Israeli men and 33 percent of women are employed as unskilled workers compared to 4 percent of the general Jewish population.
Have we lost the mystery, the biblical sweep of history and seen it replaced with a gritty urban challenge of a 21st century minority population? Instead of the fulfillment of a biblical vision, is there a risk that Israel might end up with the nightmare of Ferguson and a black underclass? Even if you will it with all your heart, might it still remain just a dream?
A quarter of a century after those heady images of an historic Jewish community being flown thousands of miles to freedom, we need to tackle the issues facing Ethiopian Jews not only as a modern day challenge of how to integrate a population with a different color skin but also as a defining moment for us as Jews.
There are sometimes problems that speak as much about those who seek to solve them as they do about the issue itself.
And perhaps the plight of Ethiopian Jews is one of those. The Ethiopian Jews, in some ways, represent the very best of Zionism, of Judaism and of Israel. The best side of ourselves.
Ultimately whether we help this population succeed in becoming a vibrant and successful part of Israeli life will say as much about us as it does about this dignified Jewish population who are an enduring symbol of the richness of Jewish history and the diversity of Jewish life in the modern world.

In the Middle East There's not Faithfulness to their States, but to the Tribes or Sects
It really is about time that the self-titled "enlightened" world grasps that in the Middle East people remain loyal to their traditional tribal framework, their ethnic group, religious or sectarian one – and do not exchange that loyalty for an artificial, newly acquired loyalty to a modern state. It is about time that the world realizes that there is no Iraqi nation, Syrian nation, Libyan nation, Sudanese nation, Yemenite nation – nor is there a Palestinian nation – there are only tribes, ethnic, religious and sectarian groups. When they are forced to live together, they battle one another.
The only solution for Iraq is the one that suits all the failed Middle East nationalist entities, the establishment of homogeneous emirates that will live in internal, stable harmony and peace, cooperating with others for the collective good.
It has been 100 years since the Sykes-Picot agreements were signed and the time has come to admit that they have failed. In their stead, let us try the only solution that works in the Middle East: giving each group it own Emirate.

Alevi flag based on the Federation of Alevi Associations in Germany's flag & other alevi symbols. The flag of Zazaistan is often regarded as an Alevi flag, but the terms Zaza & Alevi don't always represent the same people. Most Zazas are Alevis, but some are Sunnis. Most Alevis are Zazas, but many are Turks (Turkmen mostly). So both terms overlap, but not always.
Ali is often compared to a lion. The lion is the symbol of the Ismailis.
The group's flag reads as following: "God Is Great, Death to America, Death to Israel, Curse on the Jews, Victory to Islam". This motto is partially modeled on the motto of revolutionary Iran, which reads "Death to U.S. and death to Israel". Both Houthi supporters and leaders stress that their ire for the U.S. and Israel is directed toward the governments of America and Israel, rather than Americans or Jews as individuals. "Regarding the words 'Death to America', we mean American politics, not the American people", says Hussein al-Hamran, head of Foreign Relations for Ansar Allah. Ali al-Bukhayti, the spokesperson and official media face of the Houthis, has also rejected the literal interpretation of the slogan: "We do not really want death to anyone. The slogan is simply against the interference of those governments [i.e. U.S. and Israel]".
Relation with Jewish people
The Houthis have been accused of expelling or restricting some members of the ancient and impoverished rural Jews of Yemen. There have been also reports about supporters of the Houthis bullying or attacking the members of the Yemeni Jewish community. Houthi officials, however, have denied any involvement in the harassment, asserting that under Houthi control Jews in Yemen would be able to live and operate freely as any other Yemeni citizen. "Our problems are with Zionism and the occupation of Palestine, but Jews here have nothing to fear," said Fadl Abu Taleb, a spokesman for the Houthis. But despite insistence by Houthi leaders that the movement is not sectarian, a Yemeni Jewish rabbi has reportedly said that many Jews remain terrified by the movement’s slogan.
As a result, Yemeni Jews reportedly retain a generally mixed sentiment towards the Houthis. According to Ayoub Kara, Houthi militants had given an ultimatum telling Jews to "convert to Islam or leave Yemen". It's a pity that these people were once Jewish (or more accurately their ancestors) when the state of Yemen was a Jewish state called Kingdom of Hymiar.
Ali Solomone Khan Coat of Arms The Ismaili Lion of Judah exoterically symbolizing Ali.
Most Palestinians in Judea & Samaria were formerly Jews
As a journalist, I was always very skeptical what the origins of the Palestinian people are. Some have argued that the origins of the Palestinians date back 1,000 years. Others claim that the ancestors of the Palestinians came much more recently, during the late Ottoman and British Mandate periods. And still others allege that the roots of the Palestinian people in the Holy Land are ancient. So what are we to believe?
The American archeologist Eric Cline reported in his book Jerusalem Besieged: “Although some would disagree, historians and archeologists have generally concluded that most, if not all, modern Palestinians are probably more closely related to the Arabs of Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Jordan, and other countries than they are to the ancient Jebusites, Canaanites, or Philistines. The major movements of those Arabs into the region occurred after 600 CE, more than 1,600 years after David and the Israelites had vanquished the original inhabitants of the land.” This fact is confirmed by Sherif Hussein, the Guardian of Islamic Holy Places of Arabia, who stated that the Palestinians ancestors had only been in the region for 1,000 years.
Numerous scholars have reported that following the Black Plague and Crusades in 1517, only 300,000 people were left in the Land of Israel, of whom 5,000 were Jewish, and that many of the ancestors of the modern Palestinians came in the late Ottoman and early British Mandate period. During the British Mandate period alone, 100,000 Arabs from neighboring countries immigrated to the Holy Land.
However, after conducting intense research into this issue, another story for the origins of the Palestinian people has appeared which further reaffirms Jewish attachment to the Holy Land. A Palestinian living in Jerusalem who wishes to remain anonymous has confessed in an exclusive interview that this persons’ family origins are 100% Jewish and that this person’s father’s family were Cohanim. He proclaimed: “Most of the Palestinians in Judea and Samaria are former Jews. The Ottomans converted them by force. My family converted to Islam in the early 1900’s.”
This Palestinian explained that the town where this person originally came from and the seven surrounding villages had a Jewish majority up until the early 1900’s: “My grandparents tell me they were born Muslim. The entire town which is Islin and the entire collection of towns near Beit Shemesh were Jewish. The entire towns around us used a Jewish judge known as Khawaja Kakum, who was a rabbi.”
The Palestinian noted that in the late 1800’s, the Ottoman Empire started to pressure the local population to accept Islam, after Herzl informed the Ottoman Sultan of the Zionist movements’ intentions. This resulted in the Sultan going crazy and making sure that would not happen, although he did refrain from issuing a formal edict of conversion: “The Ottoman soldiers would arrive, investigating and making sure everyone was Jewish and that would involve a humiliating act. The locals would have to bring all of the fancy rugs so the soldiers could use them. They had to fix hay mixed with sugar for the horses of the Ottoman cavalry. And then, the locals had to cook food for the soldiers. They were forced to mix yoghurt with lamb in a dish known today as mansaf.”
The Palestinian noted that Bayt Itab, which was near Beit Shemesh, was inhabited by Sephardic Jews: “A particular family in the town began holding Friday prayers on both Friday and Saturday, so the Ottomans would be fooled into believing that they were not Jews. Now Beit Shemesh, another nearby town, had mostly Jewish families that would later on become Palestinian, except for one family.”
“Many Jews would never believe this but if you visit Zora; you will see the tomb or grave of Samson the Great,” the Palestinian noted. “You would learn that Palestinians used to glorify this man in this town. Whenever someone dies, Palestinians used to sing in sadness for him: ‘Oh my G-d, why have you taken him, he has never displaced his grandmother or given advice to a Muslim.’ Why would Muslim Palestinians sing folk songs like that?”
“One of the folk songs for children goes: ‘By the G-d of Moses, don’t make me lose my way,’” the Palestinian explained. “Why not Muhammed? Also, the local comments reflected in the entire Palestinian community used the term ‘he’s a Cohen’ to reflect someone who is wise or who could see stuff others could not see. Most Palestinians don’t know what a Cohen is. Why do they use the term ‘he is a Cohen’ to describe someone with G-d given knowledge?”
While such statements go contrary to pan-Arab propaganda and the standard Middle Eastern history books taught across the globe, this Palestinian is not the only one to make this claim. According to the Jerusalem Post, Tzvi MiSinai conducted research into the Jewish roots of the Palestinian people and discovered that 90% of the Palestinians have Jewish roots: “And what’s more, half of them know it.” He noted that many Palestinians maintain Jewish customs, including mourning rituals, lighting Shabbat candles and even wearing tefillin.
Misnai is not the only researcher to believe this. Genetic studies conducted by Hadassah Medical School found that the Jewish population is surprisingly close genetically to the Palestinian population, implying that many of them have Jewish blood in them. Israel’s first Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion evidently agreed that most Palestinians have Jewish roots, according to Arutz Sheva: “If we investigate the origins of the Felahim, there is no doubt that much Jewish blood runs in their veins.”
In fact, Ben-Gurion believed so strongly in the idea that in 1956, he set up a task force together with Moshe Dayan and Haim Levkok that were supposed to develop ways to Judaize the Bedouin, teaching them about Jewish life and educating them to be part of the Israeli nation, even if only ethnically and not religiously. According to the Jerusalem Post, the Bedouin were willing to listen, but the teachers dropped out of the program because they could not take living under the same conditions the Bedouin did. As a result, these people were never integrated into Israeli society.
Dr. Harry Mandelbaum noted in an article he wrote for Think Israel that despite 2,000 years of persecution and various forced conversions by various conquerors throughout most of Jewish history of the Land of Israel, the Jews have made up a significant part of the population if not a majority in the Holy Land. These facts contradict the censuses conducted, which claim that the Holy Land had a Muslim majority starting in Mamluk times. It also contradicts the standard history books that emphasize that most Palestinians roots can be traced back to at the earliest the 7th century and not further back in history. While it is certain that the Arab conquest and subsequent Islamic conquests, as well as the Crusades and Black Plague, had their role in shaping the Holy Land’s demography, perhaps these censuses don’t convey the entire picture.
“It is important to note that estimates and censuses conducted by the Muslim conquerors were heavily biased to exaggerate the number of Muslims and to minimize the number of Jews and Christians,” he noted. “Therefore, the only reliable data is provided by non-Muslim neutral sources. Tourists and politicians, Arabs and non-Arabs alike, have documented their observations of the population in the Holy Land beginning more that a thousand years ago.”
According to the historian James Parker, “During the first century of the Arab conquest, the Caliph and Governors of Syria and the Holy Land ruled entirely over Christian and Jewish subjects. Apart from the Bedouin in the earliest days, the only Arabs west of the Jordan were garrisons.” In 985, Arab writer Muqadassi complained: “The mosque is empty of worshippers. The Jews constitute the majority of Jerusalem.” In 1377, the Arab historian Ibn Khaldun declared, “Jewish sovereignty in the Land of Israel extended over 1400 years.”
Mandelbaum also noted in his article that Dutch scholar Adriaan Reland who visited the Holy Land in 1695 found that most of the communities had Hebrew names, with some Greek and some Roman. There were no Arabic Muslim names to any of the communities at that time period. He furthermore claimed that the cities were mostly populated by Jews, while the rest of the population was predominately Christian and Muslims constituted a minority of the population.
Interestingly, Reland reported this, even though Caliph El Hakim forced all of the Jews of the Holy Land to either convert to Islam or leave the country in 1012 and the Crusaders massacred numerous Jews in the Holy Land in the late medieval period. He maintains that until the British Mandate period, the influx of Muslims into the Holy Land was minimal and most of the locals had Jewish roots.
“When General Allenby, the commander of the British military forces, conquered Palestine in 1917/1918, only a few thousand Muslim Arabs resided in the Holy Land,” Mandelbaum writes. “Most of the Arabs were Christians, and most of the Muslims in the area either came from Turkey under the Ottoman Empire, or were the descendants of Jews and Christians who were forcefully converted to Islam by the Muslim conquerors.”
However, despite the massive influx of Muslims into the Holy Land during the British Mandate period, the Palestinian interviewed proclaimed: “I don’t know of a Palestinian family who does not have a Jewish story to their history. Just like Jews were forced to convert to Christianity in Spain, they won’t ever go back, but it would be helpful to remind us publicly of whom we were and what we were, to show that we must connect as humans.”
This Palestinian explained that both sides made mistakes in the years leading up to Israel’s establishment and afterwards. The Zionist movement did not recognize the Palestinians as having Jewish roots in their family while emphasizing that both sides suffered from anti-semitism and the Palestinians themselves also very much looked down on the newcomers from Europe. But this Palestinian hopes that this information can help bring the two peoples together at the very least to pursue peace in the future: “Unless we study our past, we won’t move forward to the future.”

martes, 21 de junio de 2016

Solomon's Temple, Aizawl
Solomon's Temple, a symbol of love of elects to Jesus of Nazareth
Basic information
23.7479°N 92.6884°E
Geographic coordinates
Christian Affiliation
Aizawl Municipality Mizoram
Region India
Consecrated 25th Dec. 1996
Architect(s) Dr. L.B. Sailo
Founder Kohhran Thianghlim (The Holy Church)
Solomon's Temple in Aizawl, Mizoram is constructed by a non-denominational church, known in Mizo language as Kohhran Thianghlim which is rendered 'The Holy Church' in English. The church was founded by Dr. L.B. Sailo in 1984 and the members are known as 'the elects.' Their mission is to proclaim and disseminate the word of God throughout the world, particularly to the Mizo people through written and spoken means of communication, and they are constructing Solomon's Temple as a symbol of their love of Jesus Christ.
Dr. L.B. Sailo, the founder of the Holy Church said that he was enjoined by God in 1991 to build Solomon’s Temple in Mizoram, India. A piece of land was purchased in the eastern part, but due to the inaccessibility, lack of transportation facility and the inadequate size of the land acquired, the site was purposefully relocated.
The location is on the western side, 10 km away from Aizawl, the capital of Mizoram state in India. The foundation stone was laid on the 25th December 1996.
Solomon's Temple, Mizoram on Coronation Day
The Temple area accommodates 2,000 people within the main hall and ten thousand people within its courtyard. It is a square site 180 ft. on each side. The interior of the Temple building is also square, 120 ft on each side. A verandah 30 ft. wide is attached to the exterior of the main hall on all four sides. This provides a shelter for people with its sizable seating capacity and is called ‘The porch of Solomon’s Temple’.
The main building has twelve main doors, three doors each on one side, corresponding to the other side. The faces of the Temple exactly face South, North, East, and West. Above the porch, on all four sides, there are tall pillars, carrying Seven David’s stars representing angels/messengers of the Seven Churches of Revelation (Rev. 1:20). On each of the pillar, a picture of the Cross of Jesus Christ and the emblem of the Holy Church is embedded. Atop of the porch, a statue of two Angels blowing trumpets, facing the top of the pillar, flanked the northern side of the pillar, which is now used as the main entrance. Four towers (steeples) cornered the main hall of Temple. The tower is square shaped. A six-sided spire with a crown on top of it, is standing high at the top of the tower, surrounded by four mini-spires at the four corners.
There are two intersecting horizontal ridges crossing the middle of the pitch roof, so that from above in the air, the ridges form a cross representing the new covenant. The Temple has 32 windows, 32 ventilations, and 32 skylights. It is a multi-storey building.
Within its compound, the temple complex has a natural park covered by various forest trees to shade and fruits for bird and squirrel of different kinds meant for their sanctuary. There will be standard restaurant on a hill for visitors. The complex will house an educational institution, social service center such as to care for destitute with De-Addiction center and polyclinics hospital as well.
An Angel blowing Trumpet with a tower in the background
Most of the financial needs are contributed by the church members. Donation was also collected worldwide, but the input received from this was not very significant. Visitors from time to time, donated considerable amount of money to the Temple authority, which is worthy of appreciation. However, there is no compulsory collections/entry fee/charge to the visitors.
Construction work is still in progress. The Temple has become a major tourist attraction/destination in Mizoram and tourists/visitors frequent the place.
The temple is occasionally used for holding church service on Sunday, Zanlai Au Aw (Midnight Herald) Anniversary organized by the Publication Board of Kohhran Thianghlim, Missionary Day organized by Mission Board and Jerusalem Khawmpui during the last part of December every year. This is a spiritual convention for all the church members. It is also used as a place for Voluntary Blood Donation Programme by the Church's youth wing, Youth Evangelical Front.

Hmong customs and culture
Hmong high school students perform a traditional dance at a high school on the outskirts of Vientiane, Laos. Many Hmong families are moving into lowland villages, and are becoming more integrated into Lao life but still retain a strong sense of their own culture and heritage. This performance was done in appreciation to Big Brother Mouse, a literacy project that had visited the school that day with books and interactive educational activities.
The Hmong people are an ethnic group currently native to several countries, believed to have come from the Yangtze River basin area in southern China. [1]
The Hmong are known in China as the Miao, a designation that embraces several different ethnic groups. There is debate about usage of this term, especially amongst Hmong living in the West, as it is believed by some to be derogatory, although Hmong living in China still call themselves by this name. Chinese scholars have recorded contact with the Miao as early as the 3rd century BCE, and wrote of them that they were a proud and independent people. However, after the Ming Dynasty and Qing Dynasty attempted to impose several new taxation systems and continued expansion of their empire, the Hmong are reported to have rebelled. Many wars were randomly fought, and eventually many Hmong were pushed from China into Burma (Myanmar), Laos, Thailand and Vietnam. The history of the Hmong people is difficult to trace; they have an oral tradition, but there are no written records except where other people have encountered them. Hmong history has been passed down through legends and ritual ceremonies from one generation to another as well as through Hmong textile art or story cloths sewn by the women.
Throughout recorded history, the Hmong have remained identifiable as Hmong because they have maintained their own language, customs, and ways of life while adopting the ways of the country in which they live. In the 1960s and 1970s many Hmong were secretly recruited by the American CIA to fight against communism during the Vietnam War. After American armed forces pulled out of Vietnam, a communist regime took over in Laos, and ordered the prosecution and re-education of all those who had fought against its cause during the war. Whilst many Hmong are still left in Laos, Thailand, Vietnam, Myanmar, and China (which houses one of the biggest Hmong populations in the world, 5 million), since 1975 many Hmong have fled Laos in fear of persecution. Housed in Thai refugee camps during the 1980s, many have resettled in countries such as the United States, French Guiana, Australia, France, Germany, as well as some who have chosen to stay in Thailand in hope of returning to their own land. In the United States, new generations of Hmong are gradually assimilating into American society while being taught Hmong culture and history by their elders. Many fear that as the older generations pass on, the knowledge of the Hmong among Hmong-Americans will die as well.
The clan (xeem(姓)) remains a dominant organizing force in Hmong society. There are about eighteen Hmong clans that are known in Laos and Thailand. Clan membership is inherited upon birth or occasionally through adoption. All children are members of the father’s clan, through which they will trace their ancestors. Women become members of their husband's family upon marriage but will retain their clan name of their father. Members of the same clan consider each other to be kwv tij, translated as "brothers", "siblings," and they are expected to offer one another mutual support. The term kwv tij is regarded as one's father's family or in the case of women who are married it refers to her in laws. A related term neej tsa is the wife's family after marriage. However she regards her birth family to be her kwv tij until she is married. Also many clans even consider each last name as kwv tij Example: Khang, Kue, and Kong are kwv tij because of helping each other and respect each other.
Respected clan leaders are expected to take responsibility for conflict negotiation and occasionally the maintenance of religious rituals. Members of a clan who share the same ritual practices may identify as a group on the sub-clan level.
The Hmong New Year celebration—specifically based on both religious and cultural beliefs—is an “in-house” ritual that takes place annually in every Hmong household. The celebration is to acknowledge the completion of the rice-harvesting season—thus, the beginning of a new year—so that a new life can begin as the cycle of life continues. During this celebration, every "wandering" soul of every family member is called back to unite with the family again and the young will honor the old or the in-laws—a ritual of asking for blessings from elders of the house and clan as well as the in-laws of other clans.
Also, during the Hmong New Year celebration, house spirits as well as the spirit of wealth (xwm kab) are honored. In addition, if a shaman is in the house, the healing spirits of She-Yee are also honored and released to wander the land (Neeb Foob Yeem)—similar to vacationing after a long year of working —until they are called back right after new year. Hmong New Year lasts only for 3 days—with 10 dishes of food each day, for a total of 30 dishes—thus the Hmong saying “eat 30.” Here are a few practices that the Hmong observe during their New Year Celebration, performed anytime during the 3 days of celebration.
Hu Plig (Soul Calling)—Calling back every soul in the family to unite with the family
Txi Xwm Kab (Honoring Xwm Kab)—Offerings to the God of Wealth
Neeb Foob Yeem/Neeb Tso Qhua—Shamanistic Ritual to release the Curing spirits of She-Yee for “vacationing"—occurs only if the specific family has a shaman in the house
Noj peb caug (Eat 30)—The main meal of New year
Pe Tsiab (Asking for Blessings from Elders)—Occurred early morning during New Year’s day, including parents, uncles, father/moth-in-law, and dead ancestors
Ntxuav Kauv Laug (Cleaning the Body) —To cleanse the body of dirtiness
Ntuag Qhauv—A ritual to get rid of problems, issues, temper, loneliness, and all the bad things which have occurred in the household
Lwm Qaib/Sub—Using a chicken, a ritual also
Tog Neej Tsa Tuaj Noj Tsiab—Request special guests (such as father in law, son in law etc.) to come “eat Tsiab,” a very big “eat 30”.
Xa Noob Ncoos/Tsoog Laug—A very special “thanksgiving” event where parents and in-laws are honored
Tam Noob Ncoos—A thank you feast from parents and in-laws
Tso Plig—To release the souls of all dead ones
Noj Tsiab (eat tsiab)—a very big “eat 30,” involving pigs, cows, and buffalo.
The list above is what a Hmong New Year is. All these things take place for only 3 days. After all these things are done, then the “outside” fun begins, which has nothing to do with Hmong New Year. In the United States, people refer to the “outside” event as “new year”—but, this is a misconception. Hmong New Year occurs in-house, and whatever occurs outside after the “new year” is called “Tsa Hauv Toj”—meaning “raising the mountain.” This is the tradition where Hmong toss balls and sing “kwv txhiaj.”
During the Tsa Hauv Toj celebration, Hmong dress in traditional clothing and enjoy Hmong traditional foods, dance, music, bull fights, and other forms of entertainment. Hmong New Year celebrations preserve Hmong ethnic traditions and culture, and may also serve to educate those who are interested in Hmong tradition. Hmong New Year celebrations occurred anytime within or close to the end of the harvesting period give or take a few days. However, the Tsa Hauv Toj event is based on lunar calendar, typically in November and December (which would consider a month ahead of western calendar).
Another Hmong Festival that this culture celebrates is, Independence Day. The Hmong celebrate Independence Day to celebrate the anniversary their freedom.
Many tribes are distinguished by the color and details of their clothing. Black Hmong wear deep indigo dyed hemp clothing that includes a jacket with embroidered sleeves, sash, apron and leg wraps. The Flower Hmong are known for very brightly colored embroidered traditional costume with beaded fringe.
Hmong people have a culture built on animistic beliefs and a strong faith that after death the soul reincarnates as one of many forms such as humans, plants, rocks and ghosts (Goetz par. 1, 12). Death is often considered the most important time for practicing rituals in the Hmong community because without practicing the necessary rituals the soul will roam for eternity. Hmong culture has been around for thousands of years and some of the rituals have slightly changed due to immigration and urbanization. Throughout time rituals have always varied from tribe to tribe therefore there is no one-way of performing the pre-funeral rituals, the burial rituals and the post burial rituals. However, the differences are minor and are aimed at achieving the same goal of reincarnation.
The funeral is the most elaborate of all Hmong rituals. The overall goal of the performed rituals is to guide the soul back to the placental jacket, then to Heaven to ask for reincarnation.
After death,the body is bathed by the sons or daughters of the deceased while the extended family members are notified and begin to travel to the home of the dead relative. After the body is washed it is dressed in only new ceremonial burial clothes. The deceased is dressed accordingly to their sex for the ceremony. Burial clothing includes hand-made hempshoes that help the soul across the caterpillar river and over the green worm mountain on the quest for their ancestors (“Death”).
Funerals in the Hmong culture can last anywhere from three to twelve days depending on a number of variables. The main factor in determining the length of the funeral is choosing a good day tobe buried. Another variable that alters the length of the funerals is present day laws. Western laws regarding treatment of cadavers and animal sacrificing have resulted in a change from the traditional ceremony. The final variable concerning funeral duration is the way in which the deceased has passed. For infants and victims of violent deaths the body is disposed of with. haste and little fuss because there are strong beliefs among the Hmong people that these deaths create negative spirits.
An essential part of the mourning process is the three daily meals prepared by the men in the family. At each meal the ceremonial dish, laig dab that is composed of pork and rice, is offered to the deceased body by the eldest son, while the reed pipe instrument, called the qeej, plays a ceremonial song. Another offering made to the spirit of the deceased is a daily animal sacrifice. Traditionally, the sacrifice has been a pig, bulls, and oxen, however due to local laws it is often replaced with a chicken. Once the offerings have been finished a lamp is lit on the dead body and male relatives retreat outside to fire three shots into the air to scare any evil spirits that may attack the house during this time of turmoil (“Death”).
Reincarnation is a pillar of the Hmong faith. During the ceremonies it is culturally taboo to show distress, as the ceremony is not about the death of the person but the rebirth of the soul and a new life. The main reason the funeral rituals are performed is so that the dead will be reborn into the same family. If the rituals are not performed properly the Hmong fear that the soul will be punished by returning as a lesser form or in a different family. One ritual that must be completed is the payment of the deceased debts. Any debts unpaid are thought to negatively impact the living family along with the deceased party (“Death”).
In the Hmong culture a death is an extremely important event. The burial process must be performed correctly in order to protect those living and the deceased from evil spirits that are present when there is a death. The first step in burial is sacrificing a number of oxen that are prepared by the descendents of the deceased for a feast that the entire village partakes in to pay homage to the dead (“Death”). Once the body is prepared for its journey it is positioned on a table with items that will be necessary for the voyage into the afterlife.“
A bottle of alcohol and a cooked chicken in the two halves of a gourd, together with a boiled egg, a crossbow, a knife and a paper umbrella, will be placed by the head of the corpse”.
An initiatic poem, “Showing The Way” is sung to help the soul on the journey to the afterlife. The body is removed from the house on a stretcher while “Song of Mounting The Way” is being played on the qeej.
A female from the village will then guide the funeral procession with a torch to “light the way” for the corpse. Along the way the procession takes steps to confuse the evil spirits. This includes stopping, changing course frequently and disposing of the torch before the burial site is reached (“Death”).
The final ritual before burial is the second sacred song, “The Song of Expiring Life” and informs the deceased they have passed on and need to begin the journey to the placental jacket and into the spirit world.
The traditional burial site is on the side of a mountain where the body is placed facing west. This is because Hmong people believe that west is the direction of death and if the head is facing the east it will be blinded by the sun. The placement of the grave is determine by older members of the community and depends on age, sex, and status.
Once the body has been laid in the ground and covered the stretcher used to transport the deceased to the burial site is destroyed while onlookers burn incense, symbolic paper and place stones on the grave.
Likewise the Egyptians burned incense for their dead & believed they took a trip to a spirit world. The trip was also navigating through a river. Many Egyptian traditions & stories were taken by the Israelites after having dwelled in Egypt for four hundred years.
Placing stones on a tomb is a clear Jewish costum.
The final step of the burial is to construct a fence around the grave that protects the site from any harm (“Death”). The celebration will continue on the way back to the village and throughout the next three days through performing a variety of rituals that vary from tribe to tribe all within tent to honor the deceased.
There is a thirteen-day mourning period in which the family of the deceased observes certain sacrifices in respect of the passed loved one. On this day a ritual is performed within a tent to welcome the soul into its former home one last time before it begins the journey into the afterlife.
The final step of the burial is to construct a fence around the grave that protects the site from any harm (“Death”). The celebration will continue on the way back to the village and throughout the next three days through performing a variety of rituals that vary from tribe to tribe all within tent to honor the deceased.
There is a thirteen-day mourning period in which the family of the deceased observes certain sacrifices in respect of the passed loved one. On this day a ritual is performed within a tent to welcome the soul into its former home one last time before it begins the journey into the afterlife.
The soul (or recently deceased person) could also be reborn as the next child in the family through the males. Because of this, males in the family of that deceased person must not impregnate a woman between the burial day and the next two years. If they do, they must marry the female otherwise the child won'tbe born into the male's family, and they will lose that family member forever.
Per legend, this "13 day" ritual is based on the belief that a long time ago, after 13 days of "death," the corpse would return toblife again--thus there is really no death at all. However, legend has it that, nowadays, we send the soul to be "reincarnated" because the corpse cannot come back to life anymore.

(lost book, esto es info añadida a la ya metida en el blog sobre Lahu)
Lahu in China
Population 310,000 Christian 55.00%
Evangelical 33.00% Largest Religion Christianity (55.00%)
Main Language Lahu
The Lahu are one of China's 55 official minority groups. The name Lahu reportedly means "to roast tiger meat by fire," although others say the name has no particular meaning. Their skill as hunters has given them their nickname of Musso, which is used throughout Southeast Asia. Since 1890, when the Lahu surrendered their rebellion against their Yi and Tai landlords, they have been viewed as cowardly by other minority groups in Yunnan. An old Lahu man said, "Ever since the defeat, the Lahu lost heart and were despised by other groups."
The Lahu have a long history of war and armed conflict against their oppressors. They rebelled more than 20 times throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The region they occupied west of the Lancang River was branded "a place of constant riot."
Lahu women give birth in the privacy of their own rooms. Three days after the birth they invite old people to a small feast where a name is given to the child. However, if an unexpected visitor should come in the meantime, he or she is given the honor of naming the newborn. When a Lahu dies, three shots are fired into the air to scare away the spirits and to announce the news to the village. Lahu communities have long been plagued by stealing and rampant alcoholism. "It is common to see a group of Lahu drunk and beating their fists on the roadside and shouting as they are led homeward."
The Lahu believe in a supreme god named G'ui Sha. Many Lahu villages have a temple consecrated to this deity. This belief in One Supreme Being played a large part in their mass conversion to Christianity.
When American Baptist missionary William Young first preached the gospel to the Lahu in northern Burma in 1901, they exclaimed, "We as a people have been waiting for you for centuries. ... We even have meeting houses built in some of our villages in readiness of your coming." Many of the Lahu men wore strings on their wrists. They explained, "We Lahu have worn [strings] like these since time immemorial. They symbolize our bondage to evil spirits. You alone, as the messenger of G'ui Sha, may cut these manacles from our wrists -but only after you have brought the lost book of G'ui Sha to our very hearths!" Lahu tribesmen came all the way from China to hear Young preach. Six thousand Lahu were baptized in 1905 and 1906. Today there are between 35,000 and 50,000 Lahu Christians in China, "mostly concentrated in Banli, Mujia, Gengma and Menglian.
Population in China 310,000
World Population 580,800
Alternate Names Black Lahu, Kaixien, La Hủ, Lahuna, Laku, Launa, Lohei, Luohei, Mooso, Muhso, Mussar, Musso, Mussuh, Mussur, Namen, Red Lahu, White Lahu
More than 475,000 Lahu inhabit seven counties in the western part of Yunnan Province. Their villages are often situated on mountains at least 1,500 meters (4,920 ft.) above sea level. In addition, significant numbers of Lahu are located in Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam, and Laos.

Dragons mentioned in the Bible
There are a number of places where it appears that dinosaurs or other similar creatures are mentioned in the scriptures. The Psalmist jubilantly declared, “Praise the LORD from the earth, you dragons, and all deeps:” (Psalm 148:7).
Remember that the Bible was translated into English long before the word “dinosaur” was coined (back when scientists called the great reptiles “dragons”). The word “dragon” appears 21 times in the Old Testament alone (King James Version). Here’s another Psalm: “You shall tread upon the lion and adder: the young lion and the dragon shall you trample under feet” (Psalm 91:13). From the context it is clearly speaking about a real creature that it would be impressive and intimidating to step on! Jeremiah 51:34 states, “he has swallowed me up like a dragon…” which brings to mind the way many carnivorous reptiles gulp their prey whole. Both dragons of the sea (Psalm 74:13) and field (Isaiah 43:20) are mentioned and even the The Vocalization of the Dragon is alluded to. Indeed, Genesis 1:21 can best be translated: “And God created great sea monsters…” One such sea monster became sufficiently well-known to the ancients to be given the special name “Rahab” (Isaiah 51:9). The prophet Ezekiel likens Pharaoh to a sea monster that invaded the Nile river and stirred up the mud (32:2). The Hebrew word, “Tannin,” is from the root meaning “to extend.” The language conjures up an image of a long-necked plesiosaur-like creature paddling up the river and stirring up mud from the Nile delta with its flippers. Just such a creature is depicted in ancient Egyptian art. So maybe they actually netted one just as Ezekiel describes in verse 3.

About Genesis Park
Originally designed as only a virtual organization, Genesis Park was incorporated in 2013 in the State of NH. The Board of Directors established a Statement of Faith and laid out a vision for a physical facility at some point in the future. The purpose of Genesis Park is to showcase the evidence that dinosaurs and man were created together and have co-existed throughout history. This site stands in opposition to those darwinists who claim, “Dinosaurs… are the poster children of evolution.” (Carroll, Sean, Endless Forms Most Beautiful, 2005, p. 295.) Genesis Park questions the evolutionary propaganda heaped upon the dinosaurs and approaches the subject of origins with a literal adherence to the scriptures and an emphasis on creation demonstrating God’s power. “Have you not known? have you not heard, that the everlasting God, the LORD, the Creator of the ends of the earth, faints not, neither is weary? there is no searching of His understanding.” (Isaiah 40:28)
There are multiple senses in which dinosaurs are “living evidence of a powerful Creator.” Like all of the biological organisms inhabiting the planet earth, dinosaurs resist a naturalistic explanations of origins. That is, the missing transitional forms and shortcomings of naturalistic mechanisms (random genetic changes accumulating complex information systems) and inadequacies of natural selection apply well to the dinosaurs. The lack of clear phylogeny (evolutionary lineage) is a mystery that confounds the common ancestor theory of origins. In another sense, the dinosaurs demonstrate that some of the biggest, most impressive creatures lived long eons ago on the primeval earth. The book of Job clearly communicates that God created these creatures so that men throughout history might be awed with His power (Job 41:10). Lastly, there is evidence that some dinosaurs (and similar great swimming and flying reptiles) still survive. If these creatures are found morphologically unchanged (except smaller and arguably less fit), then their existence would fit best within the creation model. Like the Psalmist, we would say, “Praise the LORD from the earth, you dragons, and all deeps:” (Psalm 148:7).
This site was first produced in 1999 through the effort of multiple individuals. Special thanks to the following people for their contributions to the material in this site:
Creation Evidences Museum gave permission to use several of their exhibits. Some of the exhibit graphics are from Dr. Duane Gish’s delightful book Dinosaurs by Design. Special thanks to the Institute for Creation Research for making them available, especially the drawings by Earl & Bonnie Snellenberger. Answers in Genesis permitted us to utilize original art by Dan Lietha. The Hovinds of Creation Today granted the unlimited use of their material, including multiple drawings by Bill Rebsamen. Rick Lalonde provided the pictures of his beautiful iguana Kyle. The fishing Tanystropheus picture on the Ancient Plesiosaurs page was created by Ciavatti Gerard. Joe Tucciarone permitted the use of his exceptional Quetzalcoatlus drawing. Credit for the Tuatara picture goes to Michael Schneider. Credit for the draco picture goes to NASA and Cislunar Aerospace, Inc. The frilled lizard pictures come courtesy of Andy, Lee, & Celly’s Lizard Web Page. Brian Sass and Pete Beach granted the use of their photos taken in Cameroon Michael Cremo consented to the use of pictures and material from his book Forbidden Archaeology. The picture on the Plesiosaur Tank page is by Julius Csotonyi. The Horned Chameleon photo is by Gail Fletcher. The Sailfin Dragon photo is by Scott Corning. The detailed photo of the Unktehi on Agawa Rock near Lake Superior was taken by Aaron Peterson Zach C. Coker drew the wonderful reconstruction of a Clevosaurus specimen. Dr. Jack Cuozzo, author of Buried Alive, generously assisted by providing photos. The picture of the Apatosaurus and tribesman on the “Monster of Cameroon” page is from Roy Mackal’s 1987 book A Living Dinosaur: In Search of Mokele-mbembe. The Dimorphodon picture on the PNG Expedition page is modified from DK Images of London. Rights to modify and display it were purchased from them. The pics of the saltwater crocs came from the Garden of Eaden website. Meike Kohler drew the picture of the “Giant bunny vs modern bunny” on our Larger Organisms in the Past page Some of the Inca Ceremonial Stone Pictures are displayed with Dr. Don R. Patton’s permission. The pictures of the dragons from the French Chateaux and the Malachite Man were also taken by him. Patrick Ryan took the picture of the delightful thorny devil in Australia with Ayers Rock in the back. Credit for the Regal Horned Lizard goes to Robert Parmenter at UNM. The Water Dragon picture is featured courtesy of Scott Corning. John Kirk, President of the British Columbia Scientific Cryptozoology Club which heads up the CaddyScan project permitted the use of his copyrighted Cadborosaurus photograph. The pictures of the big alligators were taken by Genesis Park staff at Florida’s Gatorland. The picturesque dinosaurian world displayed on the “What Killed Them?” page is a screen shot from Disney’s movie “Dinosaur.” The Tanystropheus drawing on the Champ page is by L34ndr0 The Triceratops family pictured on the Ceratopsian Cage page was taken at Jurapark in Bałtów, Poland. The Apatosaur Paddock picture is by Lee Krystek. Chris St. James of s8int.com provided valuable insight into the Palestrina Mosaic on the Ancient Depictions page and has brought other dinosaurian iconography to our attention. Thanks to Leo (Jake) Hebert for his artifact picture contribution on the Ancient Depictions page. Special thanks to Elma for bringing the Bushmanland engravings to our attention. Tom and Donna Eckman, missionaries to Argentina, brought the elusive sea monster of Lake Nahuel Huapi to our attention. We appreciate the British Museum giving permission to employ the picture of the Sennacherib Plate with depictions that appear to be pterosaurs on a pole from Barnett’s 1967 work. Vance Nelson supplied the photo of the Ishtar Gate of ancient Babylon and other dinosaurian depictions. Dennis Swift deserves credit for a large number of the photos on the Ancient Depictions page. We appreciate his generous help. Ian Juby gave valuable insights into the Dinosaur Deathpose and the Berean Tracks. Missionary John Pendleton assisted with the research at Acambaro featured on the Ancient Depictions page. The delightful animated dinosaur GIFs that we utilize are the work of Mary Potocska-Krizmanic of YRAM Enterprises. Genesis Park purchased rights to display them. Chris Ballard provided helpful analysis on created “kinds” as we attempted to analyze larger organisms in the past.
Our sincere appreciation must also be extended to those who critiqued this material and assisted in the construction of the site:
Dr. John W. Cuozzo Dr. Charles Phelps Joe Taylor Bill Gibbons Dr. Kevin Henke Dr. Daniel Banks Vance Nelson Andrew Sutton (original HTML work to initiate the site in 1999) The background picture (and much of the custom artwork) was drawn by Richard Dobbs. For more of his work, check out his website at www.dobbsart.com. The Genesis Park Logo was produced by Eric Coppinger Site redesign and layout by Peter Anglea
Genesis Park was produced by Dave Woetzel. The webmaster is Peter Anglea. It undergoes constant changes as we seek to make improvements and vary the displays.